Thammasat University students interested in ASEAN studies, Indonesia, political science, history, sociology, international relations, and related subjects may find it useful to participate in a free 18 September Zoom webinar symposium on The 2024 Indonesian Elections and the Future of Indonesian Politics.
The event, on Wednesday, 18 September 2024 at 8am Bangkok time, is presented by ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore.
The TU Library collection includes several books about Indonesian elections.
As explained on the event website,
About the Symposium
Indonesia held its Presidential and parliamentary elections on 14 Februrary 2024. The result was that the Prabowo-Gibran pairing won the presidential-vice-presidential seats with the majority of the votes at 58.9%, and the major parties continued to dominate parliament. Analysts asserted that the successful transformation of Prabowo’s image from a strongman to a “cuddly grandpa” through social media campaigning was the main factor contributing to his success in appealing to younger voters. The Prabowo-Gibran pairing also received strong support from Muslim voters, winning 36 out of the 38 provinces, except for Aceh, where Anies-Muhamin received the most votes. This Symposium will seek to unravel the reasons behind the outcomes of the elections, including the regional dynamics in Java and beyond. The Symposium will also delve into the potential challenges the Prabowo administration will face, as well as the issues that this new administration will prioritise upon Prabowo’s inauguration in October 2024.
About the Speakers
Panel 1: Voting Patterns and Trends
- Professor Burhanuddin Muhtadi is a Visiting Senior Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.
- Dr Hui Yew-Foong is a Visiting Senior Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof
Ishak Institute.
- Professor Okamoto Masaaki is a Professor at Political & Economic Coexistence Division, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University.
Panel 2: Electoral Ambivalences
- Professor Hamdi Muluk is a Professor at the Faculty of Psychology, University of Indonesia.
- Ms Bivitri Susanti is a Lecturer at the Indonesia Jentera School of Law.
- Dr Zainal Arifin Mochtar is a Lecturer in the Constitutional Law Department at Gadjah Mada
University.
- Dr Maria Monica Wihardja is a Visiting Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
Panel 3: Regional Analysis- Java
- Professor Miichi Ken is a Professor at the Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda
University.
- Mr Made Supriatma is a Visiting Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
Panel 4: Regional Analysis – Beyond Java
- Dr Deasy Simandjuntak is an Associate Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.
- Professor Delmus Puneri Salim is a Professor at the Sociology of Religion Studies
Programme, Manado State Islamic Institute.
- Dr Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah is a Lecturer in the Department of Public Administration at Andalas University.
Panel 5: The Challenges of the Prabowo Administration
- Dr Yanuar Nugroho is a Visiting Senior Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
- Dr Siwage Dharma Negara is a Senior Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
- Ms Julia Lau is a Senior Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
Conveners:
Professor Burhanuddin Muhtadi
Visiting Senior Fellow, Indonesia Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute
Dr Hui Yew-Foong
Visiting Senior Fellow, Indonesia Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute
Students are invited to register at this link:
https://us06web.zoom.us/webinar/register/9317252601062/WN_Rrga2f_vSOCgGT1Egmfiqg#/
On the website of the Lowy Institute, an independent, nonpartisan international policy think tank located in Sydney, Australia, an article entitled Indonesia needs a strong opposition that can inspire hope, and look cool while doing it was posted.
It argued in part:
Democratic backsliding in Southeast Asia’s largest country will set a poor example for the region.
In recent years, Southeast Asia has faced significant challenges in its democratic processes. Thailand’s 2014 military coup and the recent court-ruling ordering the dissolution of the Move Forward Party led to an ostensibly democratic government viewed as authoritarian. Malaysia, once seen as a promising democracy, has been plagued by political scandals and claims of electoral manipulation. In the Philippines, the election of Ferdinand Marcos Jr and Sara Duterte into presidency has raised discussions about the concentration of political power within established political families. Against this backdrop, many question whether Indonesia will follow suit.
Having overcome great obstacles, Indonesia’s position on the Freedom House democracy index continues to slip backwards. In the recent 2024 presidential election, President Joko Widodo (Jokowi)’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, was paired as Prabowo Subianto’s vice president candidate through a controversial Constitutional Court decision that altered the age criteria of candidacy. The two won the elections, marred with allegations of election fraud and nepotism.
Jokowi recently inaugurated Thomas Djiwandono, Prabowo’s nephew, as Vice Minister of Finance. Meanwhile, Bobby Nasution, Jokowi’s son-in-law, is currently nominated to run for Governor of North Sumatra via the support of Gerindra (Gerakan Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Movement), a party founded by Prabowo, which won third place in the last parliamentary election, gaining 13.2 per cent of national votes.
A healthy democracy requires strong opposition. But to foster such competition requires a shift in political culture.
As a local scholar has argued, Indonesia’s democratic processes have historically been formed by pragmatic quid pro quo collaboration between elites. No political party in Indonesia really holds onto ideological principles in deciding its political stance on public policy. Only two parties are viewed as having distinct ideologies: the nationalist-leaning Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Islamist-leaning Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
These two parties are often considered the country’s remaining opposition. However, PKS recently endorsed Bobby Nasution (Jokowi’s son-in-law) as a candidate for the Governor of North Sumatra. PDI-P is still undecided, having had a messy fallout with Jokowi, a one-time member.
Civil society groups have served a substantive opposition role, having consistently criticised Prabowo’s campaign for his past record of human rights violations during the country’s 1998 uprising against the former Suharto regime, and Gibran’s decision to become Prabowo’s running mate while his father was still in power. But these civil society groups suffer a power imbalance against the ruling coalition.
They also face another crucial challenge: to remain relevant and appealing, particularly to Indonesia’s young electorate, in the midst of growing social media use by established political players.
An opposition must offer an alternative … not about demonizing populist politicians but presenting a nuanced alternative that inspires hope and optimism and somehow dominates the algorithm.
For the first time ever, more than half of the eligible voters in Indonesia are aged between 17 and 40. This makes Millennials and Gen Z a decisive force in shaping the future of Indonesian politics. This demographic is diverse and highly demanding. Appealing to these digital natives, with Indonesia ranking high in the world for social media use, means employing more than just traditional ideological rhetoric – this demographic wants a vibrant and engaging approach, real solutions, and are hungry for hope as well as entertainment. […]
A strong and effective opposition cannot simply criticise the status quo. They must offer an alternative, a campaign that induces optimism instead of cynicism, with showmanship that promotes truth and democratic values. It’s not about demonising populist politicians, but presenting a nuanced alternative that inspires hope and optimism and somehow dominates the algorithm.
Indonesia’s trajectory will have implications beyond its borders. As Southeast Asia’s largest democracy, its success or failure in upholding democratic principles will influence neighbouring countries. A robust Indonesian democracy could inspire pro-democracy movements across the region, countering growing authoritarianism in places such as Thailand and Malaysia. Conversely, if Indonesia continues to backslide, it could embolden authoritarian leaders in the region and diminish hopes for democratic progress […]
(All images courtesy of Wikimedia Commons)